Young Women's Employment
Original abstracts from the papers in the database are provided below. All abstracts are drawn directly from the papers referenced. Links to access the papers are provided, although
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Life Skills, Employability and Training for Disadvantaged Youth: Evidence from a Randomized Evaluation DesignIbarraran et al (2012)
This paper presents an impact evaluation of a revamped version of the Dominican youth training program Juventud y Empleo. The paper analyzes the impact of the program on traditional labor market outcomes and on outcomes related to youth behavior and life style, expectations about the future and socio-emotional skills. In terms of labor market outcomes, the program has a positive impact on job formality for men of about 17 percent and there is also a seven percent increase in monthly earnings among those employed. However, there are no overall impacts on employment rates. Regarding non-labor market outcomes, the program reduces teenage pregnancy by five percentage points in the treatment group (about 45 percent), which is consistent with an overall increase in youth expectations about the future. The program also has a positive impact on non-cognitive skills as measured by three different scales. Scores improve between 0.08 and 0.16 standard deviations with the program. Although recent progress noted in the literature suggests that socio-emotional skills increase employability and quality of employment, the practical significance of the impacts is unclear, as there is only weak evidence that the life skills measures used are associated to better labor market performance. This is an area of growing interest and relevance that requires further research.
Intervention settings: Mixed
Intervention description: Vocational classroom and on-the-job training and job placement.
Sample: Youth and adults. Offered to men and women 16-29 years old from lower socioeconomic strata, and those meeting educational and skill requirements of participating firms.
Findings: 7%-12% increase in employment for women only. Three to seven hours per week increase in weekly hours worked for women only. Especially successful in countries with established private vocational training industry, significant wage employment and high female mobility.
Do Labor Market Opportunities Affect Young Women's Work and Family Decisions? Experimental Evidence from IndiaJensen (2012)
Intervention settings: Rural.
Intervention description: Recruiters from business process outsourcing industry held information and recruitment sessions in villages.
Sample: Young women.
Findings: Young women from these villages were significantly less likely to ge married or have children. They were also more likely to enter the labor market or obtain more schooling or postschool training.
Aedo and Nunez (2004)
This research evaluates the "Programa Joven", a training program conducted by the Ministerio del Trabajo of Argentina. We adapt and apply a non-experimental evaluation methodology to answer the following questions: Does "Programa Joven" increase the labor income of the trainees? Does "Programa Joven" increase the probability of being employed? And (3) what is the rate of return to dollars spent on the "Programa Joven"? We used Propensity Scores Matching Estimators as our basic methodology to obtain a measure of the impact of the training program. Our choice of this methodological approach was based upon both the theoretical developments in the area of Program Evaluation and the availability of relevant information. We used three different set of data to estimate the Propensity Scores which allowed us to analyze the question on how sensitive Program impact estimates are to different propensity score specifications? This question has not been addressed by the previous literature. Our results indicate first, that Program impact on earnings were statistically significant for young males and adult females. This result was not sensitive to the number of nearest neighbors. Second, the estimated Program impact on employment was statistically significant for adult females only. Again the result was not sensitive to the number of nearest neighbors. Third, impact estimates on earnings and employment for the groups with statistically significant results were not sensitive to the different sources of information used to estimate the propensity scores. This was a surprising result as we expected to observe greater variability in the impact results across different propensity score specifications. Fourth, the cost-benefit exercise conducted suggest that we required at least 9 years of duration of the earnings impact for the Program to have a positive net present value for the groups with statistically significant results.
Intervention settings: Rural and urban (across 11 regions)
Intervention description: Provides an average of 200 hours of training over 14-20 weeks (classroom followed by internship), a monetary subsidy for females with children, transportation expenses, medical checkups, books, materials and work clothing.
Methodology: Cross-sectional propensity score matching using program beneficiaries and eligible non-participants.
Sample: Young people from poor households with low education levels and little work experience, who were unemployed or inactive.
Findings: Positive employment impacts for women of 6% at 12 months, and 15% at 18 months. Beneficiary women generate 93% more labor income than their control counterparts. Decrease in measures of occupational segregation. Negative employment impacts for men.
Subsidizing Vocational Training for Disadvantaged Youth in Developing Countries: Evidence from a Randomized TrialAttanasio et al (2011)
This paper evaluates the impact of a randomized training program for disadvantaged youth introduced in Colombia in 2005. This randomized trial offers a unique opportunity to examine the impact of training in developing countries. We use originally collected data on individuals randomly offered and not offered training. The program raises earnings and employment, especially for women. Women offered training earn 18% more and have a 0.05 higher probability of employment than those not offered training, mainly in formal sector jobs. Cost- benefit analysis of these results suggests that the program generates much larger net gains than those found in developed countries.
Intervention settings: Urban
Intervention description: Three months in-classroom training and three months of on-the-job training. Courses provided vocational skills in a diverse number of occupations (including taxi and bus drivers, office assistants, call center operators, medical assistants, textile operators, carpentry assistants, etc.) On-the-job training was provided by legally registered (formal sector) companies, via unpaid internships. Trainees received a daily stipend of $2.20 ($3 for women with children under 7).
Sample: Unemployed young people placed in lowest two deciles of income distribution.
Findings: 11% increase in likelihood to be in paid employment. Wage and salary earnings increase by 18%. Controlling for training institution fixed effects and pre-treatment characteristics: Female trainees' probability of paid employment 19-21 months after program increased by 5% relative to the control group. Women worked an average of 1.1 more days/month and 2.5 more hours/week than women in the control group and earned 18% more than women who didn't receive the training. Impact on total labor income not reported.
Attanasio, Kugler and Meghir (2008)
Youth unemployment in Latin America is exceptionally high, as much as 50% among the poor. Vocational training may be the best chance to help unemployed young people at the bottom of the income distribution. This paper evaluates the impact of a randomized training program for disadvantaged youth introduced in Colombia in 2005 on the employment and earnings of trainees. This is one of a couple of randomized training trials conducted in developing countries and, thus, offers a unique opportunity to examine the causal impact of training in a developing country context. We use originally collected data on individuals randomly offered and not offered training. We find that the program raises earnings and employment for both men and women, with larger effects on women. Women offered training earn about 18% more than those not offered training, while men offered training earn about 8% more than men not offered training. Much of the earnings increases for both men and women are related to increased employment in formal sector jobs following training. The benefits of training are greater when individuals spend more time doing on-the-job training, while hours of training in the classroom have no impact on the returns to training. Cost-benefit analysis of these results suggests that the program generates a large net gain, especially for women.
Intervention settings: Urban
Intervention description: Three months of classroom training followed by three months of OJT in the form of unpaid internship, with 1009 companies participating.
Sample: Unemployed youth from families in the two lowest deciles of the income distribution, from 2001-2005.
Findings: Increased earnings for men and women, with the largest effects for women. Earnings for women increased on average 18%. Men and women who were offered training (intent-to-treat estimates) were more likely to be employed and to have jobs that offered benefits and to have a formal wage contract. Benefits of OJT found to be higher than that of classroom training.